Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Institutional problem.

—Doctor Pichon Rivière, I understand that today we are facing an institutional problem.

—I believe so too.

—And I have the impression that we are holding the final end of a burning thread. We should objectively search for the other end...

—Let’s begin by saying that this end of the thread represents the current situation. The journey between this point and the starting one is what we will call history. If we take a segment of that trajectory, encompassing a critical moment in the present, we can investigate specific emerging factors that have erupted and, in turn, triggered new elements of this situation—one that everyone laments and whose epicenter was in Sweden (World Championships in Sweden 1958/traductors note). These elements have not only hindered the development of national football but, through an accumulation of tensions and the consequent wear and tear, have led it into a state of decline.

—Public opinion starts from a basic premise: the exodus of players, first to Colombia and then to Europe.

—Of course, one cannot deny that this led to the dismantling of a group of players who operated here with a certain harmony and cohesion. Furthermore, the departure—or "escape"—of members of the footballing family to various parts of the world was masked behind apparent economic conflicts. In reality, this was merely a disguise. It is true that tempting offers served as a springboard, but we can assume that there was a deeper set of unresolved conflicts that gradually pushed football into a downward curve.

—I see that the issue branches out: at this moment, we must also consider everything related to the actions of national teams and coaches.

—That is one aspect of the problem. The existence of autocratic leaders in the technical management of our football, the subjugation of all coaches to a single leader, and the transplantation of foreign systems that do not align with the idiosyncrasy of our style of play—already a victim of rigid and stereotyped approaches—have all hindered the evolution that everyone desires.

—Additionally, Doctor Pichon Rivière, there are several influential factors, such as the diversity of interests at play, which are entirely unrelated to the sport itself. In many cases, club officials have become elements of discord.

—Absolutely. This is why it is necessary to analyze the situation in its entirety.

—Does that mean an institutional analysis is required?

—Without a doubt.

—From your perspective, how would you structure it?

—I would begin with a dynamic social study, as understanding the group is of fundamental importance. The basic unit of social life is not the isolated individual but the contact group, the direct interactions between individuals and their groups.

—Our sport, in general, does not have an overly complex organizational structure. However, it does have an intricate web of overlapping spheres, which makes the situation confusing.

—What I mentioned earlier leads us to consider a large formal structure, composed at each level by a network of small contact groups, both direct and indirect, whose relationships play a crucial role in the institution’s dynamics.

—Could these levels be concretely defined?

—Yes. In order to analyze an institution—something that is necessary in the case of football—we must consider four different levels, each requiring specific criteria and techniques:

a) Psycho-social analysis (the individual and their environment).

b) Social dynamic analysis (the group and its environment).

c) Institutional analysis, which includes: 1) Its formal structure; 2) Its dynamic structure; 3) Its functions within administrative and national contexts.

d) Institution and the individual (establishing what the institution represents for the individual).

—What would be the benefits of such an analysis?

—First, it would reveal the effectiveness of the administrative and managerial apparatus, meaning the activities of the members and leaders within it. Then, it would examine the relationships established between these entities and the masses (members and the public they serve). In short, institutional research and analysis can identify the causes of dysfunction and propose ways to prevent stagnation, outdated practices, resistance to responsibilities, delays, ambiguity, poor communication, contradictory orders, and so on. Consequently, this would also prevent an insecure, individualistic style of football, irregular performance, and the degradation of the "profession."

—Regarding this last point, there is no doubt that players suffer the consequences of all the irregularities within the leadership sphere.

—Exactly. The environment has a profound impact on the player, fundamentally stripping them of the joy of playing and the desire to improve. A lack of identification with the institution, or even hostility towards it—whether conscious or unconscious—makes the player feel trapped, torn between fulfilling their commitments on one hand and "sabotaging" the institution on the other. These processes are not entirely conscious, but they often manifest through erratic behavior that affects the player's athletic performance. Added to this is the isolation they experience and an unconscious sense of guilt, which often expresses itself as self-reproach.

—This creates a vicious cycle in which the player moves without fully understanding what is happening. A common response from them might be: "I don’t know what’s wrong with me.""I feel stuck." "The fans bother me." "I have no enthusiasm." etc.

—So, have you found the formula for creating the favorable environment that seems to be missing?

—I believe this is the only approach available to us. This would be the path toward creating the necessary conditions for fostering such an environment—whether within the clubs themselves or in the relations between the football association and its various audiences. This ultimately means addressing and investigating the problem of human and public relations, both internal and external, within each club and the association as a whole.

Football, needless to say, is not only significant because of the hundreds of thousands of players involved but also because of the much larger number of spectators and fans concentrated around it. We will continue to delve into football in future discussions. But before concluding, I should mention that as early as 1903, an article titled "The Psychology of Football" was published in the United States—precisely in response to a question that remains unanswered today: Why is football the sport that attracts the largest number of spectators, and why are the conflicts surrounding it so numerous and varied?

Enrique Pichon Rivière
(From "Psychology of Everyday Life", 1966/67)

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: For the first time.

Many readers may frown and ask: Social psychology in sports?... What kind of territorial invasion is this? However, we must accept the premise, whose conclusions stem from surprising experiences. News reports have informed us of the presence of a psychologist in the Brazilian football delegation that competed in the World Cup. Some joked about it; others reported the news with astonishment. Europeans, accustomed to exploring every field of research, have received this innovation with great interest. It is already being stated that, both in Italy and France, future sports delegations will include a specialist in psycho-social matters.

We, also driven by curiosity, have built a bridge between a scientist and public opinion. This scientist is Dr. Enrique Pichon Rivière, whose prestige as a psychoanalyst has gained worldwide recognition. Addressing the relevant topics, Dr. Pichon Rivière begins by telling us:

—Indeed, in our times, sports are of paramount concern. Everyone seeks to develop physical strength and endurance. Advances in science and mechanics have created numerous means that athletic training employs for its purposes, and in every country around the world, many governing bodies and clubs have been established to oversee, manage, and promote various sports activities. Established rules have, in turn, created a common uniformity for these practices. However, what has been little discussed is that the involvement of a social psychologist in the field of sports holds special significance today. This is because one of the most prominent figures in social psychology, George H. Mead, based his studies on observations made in team games, in which he himself participated.

—It seems to me that you are very interested in the subject. May I ask what led you to focus on it?

—I have practiced sports since childhood, particularly football. Moreover, I have lived in small towns with sparse populations, which naturally facilitated the formation of gangs or "crews," meaning spontaneous groups of children with a specific purpose. In Goya, Corrientes, for example, we founded a club, Matienzo, which became the most important in the area. I remember that, in those days, we constantly organized ourselves as a team—whether for playing, planning collective escapes to an island, engaging in naval battles on the river (to the great despair of our mothers), or any other adventure. Since then, I have carried with me the experiential awareness of the operational nature of group situations. Years later, sharing sports activities with my children, I have relived this experience.

—Is this the first time you are presenting ideas on this subject?

—Yes.

—Do you have any information on whether such work has been undertaken before?

—I have gathered some, but I am certain that nothing systematic has been done.

—In your opinion, doctor, what is the position of a team within an institution?

—A group or team that functions within a club must assume assigned roles and maintain a specific level of prestige.

—But... what about professionalism?

—With professionalism, this situation becomes considerably more complex. Because now, in addition to the team’s task of winning matches, there is also the need to sustain a certain level of performance, as their role has become a profession—a means of livelihood.

—There is no doubt that sports as entertainment have brought about a series of deeply ingrained issues.

—But there are other conflicting factors. Most of a team’s problems do not originate solely from within the team itself. Consider the commitments that club officials have and the secondary uses of sports activity (such as political projection). This means that each team member—the player—is caught in a web of tensions, which he often tries to escape from, though unsuccessfully. There is also another circle composed of coaches, physical trainers, and masseurs who revolve around the core group, forming a kind of protective belt that isolates the player from certain realities of the club, which can become increasingly distorted over time.

—Let’s not forget the fan or "supporter"...

—Not at all. The hincha (supporter) is a highly important figure, though unfortunately marginalized today. The supporter, frustrated by the team’s lack of effectiveness, sometimes reacts with intense violence, scapegoating his favorite player—the final link in this chain of conflicts we have discussed. The disappointment of the hinchada (fan base) is immense because the gap between their aspirations and the team’s actual performance is also immense. That is why they fundamentally feel betrayed. We must also consider that their expectations are closely tied to their own understanding of ball control and game strategy.

—Doctor, it is clear that through your insights, we can delve deeply into the study of sports and, particularly, football.

—I am fully prepared to do so.

And thus, our dialogue concluded, though it became evident that we had only just introduced the subject. We later submitted a questionnaire to Dr. Pichon Rivière, who kindly agreed to analyze it. In it, we explored sports in their broadest aspects—beginning with their definition, moving on to the role of an athlete, and concluding with an analysis of Argentine football from this perspective. In the upcoming issues of our magazine, we will present this material, which will undoubtedly serve as a valuable reference point.

Enrique Pichon Rivière
(From Psychology of Everyday Life, 1966/67)

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Strategy.

-Well, Dr. Pichon Rivière, we should now address what is considered tactics and what we define as strategy.

-Agreed. If we refer to the academic linguistic definition, tactics is defined as a "special system used in some matter or enterprise, discreetly and skillfully, to achieve a goal." If we transfer this concept to football, we find that tactics here is nothing more than the positioning of players on the field and the assignment of each player's mission during the game. Modern football is based on team integration, so that each player has both defensive and offensive duties.

-Is the mission always both defensive and offensive at the same time?

-Exactly, although to different degrees, depending on the player's position. But all players, to perform well, must fulfill both aspects; failing to collaborate with teammates in some of them puts them at a disadvantage. Furthermore, anything one player fails to do will have to be done by a teammate whom he did not assist, and that is relative because the teammate may not always be in a position to do so.

-So, finding the right tactics would be ideal?

-I have already stated that tactics is the arrangement of player functions on the field and the organization of their movements according to a predetermined plan aimed at neutralizing the opponent's defense and overcoming their offense. But it is not enough to conceive an ideal plan; for a team to function, trials must be conducted, synchronization among players must be sought, and so on. Additionally, one must consider that a theoretical plan on a board is one thing, and executing it on the field is quite another, as the game is played with thinking individuals, not automatons. That is why it is not possible to create a tactic and then fit players into it; rather, the tactic must be adapted to the players available.

-And what about strategy?

-Strategy would be the prior work of an individual or group, through which, by means of a continuous process of role assumption, the action is internally presented. Through a learning process, an adjustment is made between the work framework and the later operational techniques that will attempt to execute what was planned in advance.

-What does this role assumption mean?

-George H. Mead, one of the founders of Social Psychology, considers the concept of role indispensable for explaining the genesis of personality. Thanks to language, a person can internalize the different parts of a social act—in this case, a football match—in which he participates. This allows him to control both the activity of "others" and his "own," based on a planned strategy for the social act.

-Does this mean that a player assumes another player's attitude?

-That’s right: the player can take on the attitude of another, meaning he plays the role of that "other." Through this process, he understands the "other," recognizing his possibilities on the field and being able to take on that role in a specific situation.

-But can a player simultaneously represent internally all the other players on the field?

-Without a doubt. The totality of characters involved in the action—not only teammates but also opponents—forms a whole within the player. This is what Mead calls the "generalized other," which ultimately serves as a referential, operational, or strategic framework.

-So, does a match begin before the player even steps onto the field?

-Exactly. The match begins in what we might call the "internal field," where, through mental rehearsals, the player configures a strategy and a tactic for playing on the external field. If this capability is combined with ball control, the player achieves an effectiveness that is difficult to measure.

-I understand, but I suppose contingencies cannot be entirely predicted...

-One of the conditions we must highlight is that the player must be able to adjust certain work patterns during the game itself. This means going through the different stages of what social sciences call "operational inquiry." This is how we witness an intelligent, dynamic, and aesthetic performance of someone trying to resolve the challenges of the game through his actions.

-I think we are approaching the concept of the "operative team."

-No doubt. We have already said that each player represents the eleven opponents, the ten teammates, and himself in action. This approach leads to a flexible administration of roles, achieving cohesion and operability where each player takes on the characteristics of a task leader (also known as a functional leader) when, through his actions and the overall dynamics, he determines the course of play at a given moment. If each player performs his task in this way—where individual and group factors coexist as described—each one contributes effectively in every moment.

-Could this system be hindered by players with certain psychological anomalies?

-Sometimes, we observe players who, due to neurotic factors, exhibit an unassigned form of leadership; on the other hand, some may struggle to make even the smallest, constantly changing decision necessary to play their role within the team. The former are characterized by being nervous, aggressive, and disruptive, seeking confrontation as an outlet for their neurosis. Meanwhile, the latter appear as indecisive and depressive individuals, filled with guilt every time the team loses, believing themselves responsible for the defeat.

-Aren’t we once again approaching the concepts of "play" and "sport"?

-In these complex social functions, which are organized from childhood, Mead himself studies two types of activities that manifest during a child's development: "play" and "game"—terms that do not have an exact equivalent in Spanish but can be translated as "juego" and "deporte." "Play" is free play, while "game" is an organized activity containing elements of institutionalized behavior. In "play," for example, a child might play with an imaginary companion, alternating between his own role and that of his companion. Between ages six and eight, children’s games change in nature and become organized, social activities with other children.

We can then affirm that to perform a specific social role, each of us must incorporate a considerable number of roles corresponding to our time and social group. Similarly, a football player will assume a role or set of roles based on his childhood history and current situations. And any difficulty in managing a game situation on the field will always be linked to more or less irrational elements that the player is unaware of but that can significantly disrupt the group’s task. If teammates overly identify with a neurotic player’s role, the entire team will take on characteristics of a conflicted group, expressing this condition through a particular neurotic behavior.

-How could this situation be resolved?

-The only way is through a psychotherapeutic technique called "group psychotherapy," which, along with its therapist, must examine the interplay of roles within the group concerning the specific task of playing football and winning.

Enrique Pichon Rivière
(From Psychology of Everyday Life, 1966/67)

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Game and sport

Today, we begin presenting the promised material. From these discussions, all the considerations regarding the questionnaire submitted to us emerge with clear fluidity, as formulated by Dr. Enrique Pichon Rivière. At his express request, we clarify that our interviewee approaches the subject based on his personal research in this field, in addition to consulting these authors: Freud, G. H. Mead, Buytendijk, and Huizinga.

"I understand," Dr. Pichon Rivière responds, "that before discussing sport, we must focus on another subject: play. Specifically, its structure and function."

"Agreed, then let’s define 'play'."

"We can assert that play is as old as culture itself, for the simple reason that it presupposes human society. Animals, on the other hand, have not waited for humans to teach them how to play. It seems that civilization has not added any essential characteristics to the function of play or its deeper significance."

"What function do you attribute to play in the animal world?"

"Clearly, play is more than a merely physiological phenomenon, as it always holds a social meaning. In play, something beyond the instinct for self-preservation comes into play, giving it a sense of vital occupation. Two fundamental aspects characterize play: it is either a struggle for something or a representation of something."

"Alright, then give us a concrete definition."

"Notice that the previous discussion has paved the way for a definition. Play is a free activity, though it takes place within defined time and space limits determined by absolutely mandatory rules. These rules must, at the same time, be freely accepted. This activity has an end in itself and is accompanied by a feeling of tension and joy. Additionally—and this is important—in play, one has the awareness of being in a different state than in ordinary life."

"Can it be said that this definition encompasses what we call games, meaning games of strength, skill, calculation, chance, exhibitions, and representations?"

"Indeed. However, to clarify, I do not wish to overvalue the functions of play in the sphere of cultural life. A particular culture includes certain characteristics that shape its games. In other words, some aspects of culture may first emerge in the form of play. In a sense, culture is initially 'played.' Another connection between culture and play can be found in the highest levels of social play, where it appears as the organized performance of a group or community—or two opposing groups."

"To what extent does individual play impact culture?"

"When an individual plays alone, the contribution to culture is minimal. I previously stated that all the nuances that define play—playing together, competing, presenting and exhibiting, challenging, and boasting, with all their limiting rules—are also found in the animal world. Thus, competition and exhibition acquire specific cultural forms."

"You spoke of tension in play—what did you mean?"

"In play, there is tension and uncertainty. Observe that a constant question arises: will the game work out or not? Even when someone plays solitaire, solves crossword puzzles, or assembles jigsaw puzzles, this condition is present. However, in games played between rivals in competition, this tension or uncertainty about the outcome intensifies to a maximum degree, although it is followed by relaxation. This desire to emerge victorious can sometimes threaten the lighthearted nature of the game itself."

"I think now is the time to ask whether the presence or absence of spectators influences the game."

"This is undoubtedly very important. In games of chance, the tension we mentioned is only minimally transmitted to the spectator. Take, for example, dice games, which must be considered culturally sterile because they contribute nothing to the spirit or life. But in a game where competition requires skill, ability, and strength, the tension gripping the spectators is even greater. Even a chess match can captivate its audience. Finally, let us agree that physical, moral, or spiritual values can elevate play to a certain cultural level. The more a game enhances the life of an individual or, more importantly, a group, the higher it rises on that cultural plane."

"What is at stake when we play?"

"You've hit upon a phrase that captures the essence of play: in play, something is at stake. But that 'something' is often misunderstood. It is not the material outcome of the game, such as placing the ball in the goal or the basket. The ideal is for the game to go well, for it to work out. That success brings a special satisfaction to both player and spectator. And with spectators present, this pleasurable feeling increases. For instance, someone who completes a solitaire game enjoys it more if someone else is watching. Thus, it is essential for the player to be able to take pride in their successful game in front of others. That is why the concept of winning is closely linked to play."

"But what does 'winning' mean? What is won?"

"Winning means proving oneself superior to another at the end of a game. However, this kind of superiority tends to transform into a broader superiority of character, leading us to another conclusion: more than winning the game, one gains honor and prestige. Honor and prestige that benefit not only the victor but also the group they belong to. And this brings us to a concept of great importance: success in the game can significantly transfer from the individual to the group. So much so that beyond the primary requirement of defeating the opponent, another question arises: has the victory truly increased the power of the individual and the group they represent?"

"In summary, doctor, play is a free, separate, and regulated activity."

"Indeed. It is free because a player cannot be forced without the game losing its nature; separate because it is confined within predetermined limits; and regulated because it follows conventions that temporarily establish an appropriate set of rules."

"Now, let’s distinguish between 'play' and 'sport'."

"I believe we have already done so, but we can summarize it in this framework: play can be classified into competitive play, games of chance, imitation, and vertigo-inducing play. Competitive play includes athletics, wrestling, boxing, football, chess, etc.; games of chance include children’s counting games, roulette, betting, lotteries, etc.; imitation play includes masks, costumes, and, generally, theater; finally, vertigo-inducing play includes swings, mountaineering, carousels, skiing, etc."

"This brings us to one of our proposed topics: football."

"Let’s dive into it, as I promised. In our country, football, regarded as the most popular sport, deserves attention it has never received and from an angle that may seem unfamiliar to many. If the practice of sport is undertaken spontaneously, to give it proper direction, a socio-psychological study of it is essential. Sport is not only important for youth development; it has become a common means of existence, capable of exerting a decisive influence on human relationships. Football, needless to say, is not only significant for the hundreds of thousands who play it but also for the far larger number of spectators and fans surrounding it. We will address football in due course, but first, let me tell you that as early as 1903, an article was published in the U.S. titled The Psychology of Football, precisely to answer a question that remains relevant: why is football the sport that attracts the most spectators, and why do so many varied conflicts arise within it?"

Enrique Pichon Rivière
(From "Psychology of Everyday Life," 1966/67)

Tangodansaren som förändrade världens psykiatri

Av Luis Hessel

Man måste lära sig att stå emot. Varken att gå eller att stanna, utan att stå emot – även om detta säkerligen innebär mer smärta och glömska. (Juan Gelman).

Den 20 december 2011 dog psykoanalytikern Angel Fiasché, en av de viktigaste figurerna inom den psykiska hälsans område och någon att på internationell nivå referera till vad gäller de psykiatriska reformer som ihärdigt strävade efter att humanisera sätten att förstå och bota psykisk sjukdom.

Det är 10 år sedan doktor Angel Fiasché lämnade oss. För de av oss, som närmade oss socialpsykologin (den argentinska/övers.anm.) efter händelserna den 19 och 20 december 2001 (1), var Angel Fiasché något av en levande legend. Han hade utgjort del av Enrique Pichon-Rivières första grupp av lärjungar och medarbetare. Han var en socialist som på nytt lyfte fram den marxistiska analysmetoden. Med tiden kom han att bli en internationellt ryktbar figur inom socialpsykiatrins ämnesområde. Han var lärare och klinisk handledare för personer som Alfredo Moffatt (2), Hernán Kesselman (3) och Eduardo Pavlovsky (4). Han spelade även en huvudroll i kontakterna med några av dåtidens viktigaste figurer inom den antipsykiatriska rörelsen, terapeutiska samhällen och alternativ psykisk hälsa.

Historien börjar på följande sätt. På 40-talet, när världen ännu var ung och allt tycktes möjligt, föddes psykoanalysen – liksom tangon tidigare gjort – i Buenos Aires’ hamnkvarter tack vare invandrare av spanskt ursprung (5) och andra immigranter. Angel drar sig till minnes hur han i sin ungdom brukade ägna timmar åt att söka efter nyheter i bokhandeln El Corcel medan han pratade med författaren Witold Gombrowicz (6) som också brukade frekventera denna bokhandel belägen på Calle Corrientes (centralt belägen gata i Buenos Aires/övers.anm.). Fiasché brukade notera hur en specialavdelning av regimens federala polis”registrerade” (7) alla personer som besökte bokaffären. Samtidigt kom hans vetenskapliga skolningsprocess på det universitet, där han studerade medicin, att präglas av Armando Asti Vera, en av den argentinska vetenskapsfilosofins grundare och en person han samarbetade med i tidskriften Episteme.

Ángel Fiasché, Fernando Ulloa, Alfredo Moffatt. Arkiv: Alfredo Mofatt.

Angel och filosofen/bildkonstnären Dora Nimerovsky (som blev hans livskamrat livet igenom) levde i en bohemtillvaro på barer och andra ställen med tvivelaktigt rykte. De dränktes in av den tidens kulturella atmosfär, som lyste upp den portensiska natten (det vill säga hamnkvarteren i Buenos Aires/övers.anm.), dess tillställningar och intellektuella liv. Och eftersom Angel älskade milongan (ställen där man dansade tango/övers.anm.) kom han att dansa tango på den mytomspunna baren Caño 14, ihågkommen som “tangons katedral” (och på vars scen ryktbara figurer inom tangovärlden som Aníbal Troilo, Edmundo Rivero, Nelly Omar, Roberto Goyeneche, Horacio Salgán och Osvaldo Pugliese passerade förbi).

Senare började Angel och Dora att studera psykoanalys vid Asociación Psicoanalítica Argentina (Argentinska Psykoanalytikersällskapet), nyss grundat 1942, och de umgicks med psykoanalytikerna Enrique Pichon-Rivière och dennes hustru Arminda Aberastury (8). Med dessa två hade de en nära såväl arbets- som lärandeförbindelse. Dora arbetade som assistent till Pichon-Rivière och blev senare en viktig utbildare inom barnpsykoanalysens område. Efter att Angel å sin sida avslutat sin analys hos Pichon-Rivière kom han att bli del av den första gruppen personer som arbetade på dennes Escuela de Psiquiatría Social. Han undervisade och hade utgivningsansvaret för Skolans publikationer. Han var även en av deltagarna i det team som var med Pichon-Rivière i det berömda “Rosarioexperimentet” 1958, ett samhällsvetenskapligt laboratorium och samhällsarbete i samverkan med Universidad de Rosario. Händelsen är ihågkommen som födelseögonblick för de operativa gruppernas teknik.

Under sin undervisningsbana bidrog Angel till att skapa psykologutbildningen på Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Han arbetade där som undervisare och forskare fram till den händelse som blivit känd som “de långa käpparnas natt”. Diktaturen, under Juan José Onganía, gav den 29 juli 1966, via det instiftade lagdekretet 16192, order om att intervenera på samtliga universitet. Alla protester till stöd för universitetets autonomi slogs ned. I och med detta inleddes en mörk period för vetenskapen i Argentina. En av följderna blev att mer än 1300 lärare på Universidad de Buenos Aires lämnade in sin avskedsansökan och att mer än 700 akademiker tvingades lämna landet och fortsätta sin vetenskapliga bana utomlands. Ställda inför detta klimat av censur och intellektuell kvävning beslutade sig paret Fiasché för att lämna landet för att på så sätt kunna fortsätta sin professionella bana.

Härigenom kom Angel att 1969 lära känna den italienske psykiatrikern Franco Basaglia. De två reste tillsammans till Skottland för att bekanta sig med det terapeutiska samhällsexperiment som leddes av Doktor Maxwell Jones. Denna modell kom att på världsnivå markera en vändpunkt i det psykiatriska behandlingsarbetets historia. Franco Basaglia återvände till den italienska Trieste-regionen där han blev chef för den psykiatriska sjukhusvården. Han påbörjade en rad reformer, vars maximum nåddes i och med den lag 180 (stiftad 1978) som innebar förbud mot mentalsjukhus i hela Italien samt att dessa skulle ersättas av centran för samhällshälsa. Angel Fiasché i sin tur reste till Förenta Staterna för att leda boendeprogrammet på Maimónides-sjukhuset i stadsdelen Brooklyn, New York. Han deltog inledningsvis i utformandet av den så kallade Kennedy-lagen för psykiatrisk hjälp åt de fattiga. Alfredo Moffatt, som följde med som assistent, har sedan tillämpat några av lärdomarna från den tiden i olika samhällsexperiment “med de fattiga och psykiska sjuka” i Argentina och Brasilien.

Vad som främst upptog Angels intresse under denna tid var hur man skulle bära sig åt för att “förflytta sjukhuset till gatan” och att på så sätt göra att patienten kom i kontakt med samhället. Detta fick honom också att utveckla konceptet “psykiatri utanför murarna”. Angels ihärdiga kritik av den medicinska institutionens bristande humanism sammanfaller tidsmässigt med ett nytt antipsykiatriskt tänkande med rötter i det franska Maj -68 - med tankar från bland annat Althusser, Foucault och kritisk pedagogi. Och dessa tendenser förde honom närmare sådana antipsykiatrins förespråkare som Ronald Laing, David Cooper och Franco Basaglia med vilka han emellertid också befann sig i skarp polemik. Angel var en orolig själ som med intresse tog del i många av den epokens debatter. Han lärde också känna personer av sådan dignitet som bland annat Levi Jacob Moreno, Jean Piaget, Donald Winnicott och Melanie Klein. Det är inte svårt att föreställa sig att vi här har att göra med en extraordinär personlighet.

Jag kommer ihåg hur Angel berättade om sin resa i Sovjetunionen och att en av landets förtjänster var att där inte fanns några fattiga och att det fanns hjälp från samhället tillgänglig för alla. Men han medgav också att där fanns en rad andra problem. Senare – och då desillusionerad av vissa aspekter inom den sovjetiska kommunismen – reste han till Sverige för att sätta sig in i de erfarenheter den europeiska socialdemokratin gjort. Det var också då han 1972 skapade den kliniska psykologin på Göteborgs Universitet och utbildade landets första grupp kliniska psykologer.

Dessa fanns med när Angel och hans hustru Dora skapade Göteborgs Psykoterapi Institut. Fortfarande idag kan man i institutets officiella presentation (www.gpsi.se) läsa:

“Dora och Angel Fiasché arbetade utifrån en politiskt radikal psykoanalytisk psykoterapitradition. Det innebär ett fokus på växelspelet mellan människans psykiska realitet och omvärlden. Vi har sedan dess fortsatt att utveckla teori och praktik utifrån psykoanaltyisk erfarenhet i ständig utveckling”.

Och International Dictionary of Psychoanalysis beskrev dem på följande sätt:

“Paret Fiasché, som definierar sig som socialister, står i teoretiskt hänseende nära den kleinianska psykoanalysen. De har arbetat tillsammans med bland annat Leon Grinberg, Marie Langer och Enrique Pichon-Rivière”.

Till detta ska läggas att de var ansvariga för att ha introducerat Pichon-Rivières tänkande, något som resulterade i ett viktigt utbyte mellan det nordiska intellektuella samhället och de argentinska lokala efterföljarna till (den argentinska) socialpsykologins skapare (det vill säga Pichon-Rivière) – Hernán Kesselman, Ana Quiroga, Eduardo Pavlovsky och Gladys Adamson, som reste till Ingmar Bergmans hemland för att förmedla de sydamerikanska tankarna om gruppområdet. Det arbete, som inleddes av paret Fiasché, fortsatte tack vare GPI, i synnerhet psykologen Mats Mogren, och psykologen Sören Lander, som översatt ett antal av Pichon-Rivières texter till svenska.

I och med återupprättandet av den demokratiska regimen återvände de till Argentina. De flyttade till staden Los Cocos i Córdoba-provinsen, där de startade ett experiment i alternativ psykisk hälsa. Det bestod i att hyra ett gammalt oanvänt hotell och göra det till rehabiliteringscenter för psykiatriska patienter. Det hela baserades på dels Maxwell Jones’ modell för terapeutiskt samhälle, dels åratals erfarenheter av samhällsarbete i skiftande sociala miljöer.

1991 blev Angel Fiasché utnämnd till nationell ansvarig för den psykiska hälsan i Argentina. Trots goda intentioner rönte hans förslag till förbättringar inom den psykiska hälsans område ingen framgång och på grund av de hinder, som restes för att genomföra hans föresatser, kom hans förordnande att avslutas i förtid.

Han brukade säga att om Pichon-Rivière levt lite längre skulle denne ha fokuserat sin verksamhet på ett studium av Argentinas kåkstäder. Redan år 2000 under II Jornadas Latinoamericanas de Psicología Social, som hölls i Buenos Aires, hade Angel uttryckt detta sitt stora politiskt-vetenskapliga intresse på följande sätt:

“Vårt sydamerikanska drama utgörs av våra barn-vuxna (där barnen fungerar som föräldrar till sina egna föräldrar) som befinner sig på gatan och måste avstå från hela det inre, känslomässiga, affektiva spektrat i sitt sätt att organisera tänkandet för att istället bli till strateger - strateger för att kunna överleva”.

Väckt av de många beteenden han observerat i kåkstäderna, där bristtillstånd och utanförskap florerar, kom Angel att arbeta i en “kontextens psykiatri”, vilken studerar fattigdomen och dess problematik som en konsekvens av den kapitalistiska modellens logik inom den psykiska hälsans område.

Alltsedan Vicente Zito Lema (9) år 2000 grundade Universidad Popular Madres de Plaza de Mayo deltog Angel i detta projekt som lärare i socialpsykologi och föreläsare på internationella kongresser om psykisk hälsa och mänskliga rättigheter. 2005 publicerade ovannämnda universitets förlag boken Hacia una psicopatología de la pobreza (Mot en fattigdomens psykopatologi) - en samling texter och föreläsningar från åren 1980 till 2002, som ger en överblick över det viktigaste i Angels verk. Och om man när man öppnar boken, också vågar låna sitt öra åt dess innehåll, kan man tycka sig förnimma texten från den tango som säger att

“Världen har en skruv lös

måtte det komma en reparatör

som lagar felet” (10).

Jag kan då även föreställa mig denne kortvuxne man med sitt Gardel-liknande leende stående vid bardisken på tangobaren Caño 14 i utkanten av en stad som många gånger befann sig närmare Freud än Gud.

…………………………………………...

Om artikelförfattaren: Luis Hessel är argentinsk socialpsykolog, utbildad i Pichon-Rivières och Alfredo Moffatts tänkesätt. Han har publicerat tidningsartiklar i Argentina och utländska medier om anarkismens historia och de nya sociala rörelserna I Latinamerika. För närvarande arbetar han med grupper för våldsbenägna män.

Artikelförfattaren med Angel Fiasché.

Fotnoter:

(1) Den 19 och 20 december 2001 gjorde ett folkligt uppror slut på president Fernando de La Ruas regering i Argentina. Den nyliberala modellen hade då hamnat i en djup kris, något som gjorde det möjligt för sociala rörelser och en ny vänster att träda fram.

(2) Alfredo Moffatt (född 1934), socialpsykolog och lärjunge till Pichon-Rivière. Han var Angel Fiaschés assistent vid flera forskningsprojekt och var med denne under tiden vid Maimónides-sjukhuset i New York.

(3) Hernán Kesselman (1933-2019). Läkare, psykiatriker och psykoanalytiker, lärjunge till Pichon-Rivière. Han grundade Escuela de Psicología Social i Spanien.

(4) Eduardo “Tato” Pavlovsky (1933-2015). Läkare, psykoanalytiker och dramaturg. Han introducerade psykodramat i Argentina och var en pionjär inom området i Latinamerika.

(5) Ett ord som refererar till i Amerika födda spanjorers barn; termen brukar dock ha en vidare betydelse och användas för européer i allmänhet.

(6) Den polske författaren Witold Gombrowicz levde många år i Argentina där han blev någon att referera till i den intellektuella världen. Han brukade prata i timtal med unga författare på sådana emblematiska ställen som Café Tortoni (ett berömt tango-café/övers.anm.).

(7) Med hjälp av polisen drev General Perón en förföljelsekampanj mot vänstern och alla han uppfattade som politiska motståndare. Den berömde tangopianisten Osvaldo Pugliese fängslades vid flera tillfällen olagligt på grund av sitt medlemskap i kommunistpartiet. Och man kidnappade, torterade och bröt högra handen på trubaduren Atahualpa Yupanqui så att han inte skulle kunna spela gitarr.

(8) Arminda Aberastury (1910-1972). Pedagog och pionjär inom barnpsykoanalysen.

(9) Vicente Zito Lema (född 1939). Advokat med fokus på mänsklig rättigheter, poet, journalist och dramaturg. Han var lärjunge till Pichon-Rivière och skrev tillsammans med denne boken Conversaciones con Enrique Pichon-Rivière. Sobre el arte y la locura (Samtal med Enrique Pichon-Rivière. Om konst och galenskap).

(10) Al mundo le falta un tornillo var en tango från 1933 med text av Enrique Cadícamo och musik av José María Aguilar.

Översättning: Sören Lander

Senast uppdaterad: 220120