Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Relentless Interplay Between Humanity and the World

Anxiety emerges when the first signs of change begin to surface. Change can occur in any environment. However, its structure is shaped by society, which simultaneously creates the necessary conditions for that change.

There is a significant difference between crisis and change. The latter is gradually planned in the form of an ideology. When it encompasses the entire social structure, it aims to exert influence on the widest possible scale. It can be observed within our professional field and is then related to all types of adjustment disorders. When communication systems experience disruption, the individual (the subject) finds themselves in situations marked by increasing isolation and disintegration. In such cases, it is also possible to observe the collective pathological phenomenon—anomie—as described by Durkheim. It is characterized on both the individual and societal level by disintegration, fragmentation, and division. Thus, we encounter a fragmented society made up of fragmented individuals.

Revolutionary movements can serve as expressions of change. If they manage to adopt a truly authentic role, individuals (subjects) soon begin to emerge from various scientific and political domains, taking on an opposing role and representing resistance to change, with the aim of maintaining the existing structure and thereby preventing transformation. Advocates or leaders of change assume the task of planning that change, which is continually hindered by institutionalized or non-institutionalized structures—in the form of certain pressure groups that assign themselves the role of guardians of the status quo. These groups personify the resistance. They are clear expressions of a reaction driven by much larger and more numerous groups with international reach. The goal is to obstruct change and preserve the previously stereotyped situation.

A crisis arises when disintegration primarily affects the ruling class and dominant groups—financial or imperialist—whose objective is control over the economy, and who come into conflict with one another. The fragmentation within the ruling groups—who fight each other using their entire information apparatus—creates the crisis situation.

Both resistance to change and change itself are subjects of planning. History can also be perceived as a continuous struggle between these two perspectives. This applies to both societal and individual history.

On an individual level, crisis situations occur more frequently than those characterized by change. However, they can both be anticipated and prepared for. Crises trigger states of anxiety in the individual and also initiate the zigzagging, personality-developing movement that accompanies every step forward—until the change has taken shape as a definitive situation. This means becoming an actively adapted and engaged human being who has found their place. The individual (subject) thus establishes a dialectical relationship with the world and transforms its phenomena from things-in-themselves into things-for-themselves. To the extent that the individual transforms themself—through this permanent, spiraling praxis—they also transform their surroundings.

The English poet John Donne, born in 1572, expressed the following about this indissoluble relationship and relentless interplay between the human being and her surroundings

No man is an island, entire of itself;
every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main;
if a clod be washed away by the sea, Europe is the less,
as well as if a promontory were, as well as if a manor of thy friend's or of thine own were;
any man's death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind;
and therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee.

John Donne: Devotions upon Emergent Occasions (1624), Meditation XVII.

Uttrycken för förändringsmotstånd har till syfte att utplåna käl­lorna till den ångest varje förändring för med sig. Såväl individ som samhälle bör möta de två primära former av rädsla som åstad­kommer en grundläg­gande existentiell stör­ning: rädslan för förlust av redan etablerade strukturer - i människans inre - och rädslan för att förlora förmågan att anpassa sig till de i den sociala omgiv­ningen föreskrivna nor­merna. Förändringen implicerar i sig en för­lust och genererar - till och med in­stitutionaliserar - starka osäker­hetskänslor, vilka utmanar eller ökar iso­leringen och ensamheten - och detta huvudsakligen på grund av att man förlorat känslan av att tillhöra en stabil social grupp.

Den andra formen av rädsla som också finns närvarande är rädslan för attack. Den beror på det faktum att individen har läm­nat sin tidigare ste­reotypi, utan att vara tillräckligt rustad för att kunna försvara sig mot de faror han föreställer sig finns i den nya situationen. Denna i vår kultur så allvarliga konflikt framkallar passivitet och marginalisering. Undan för undan har annars det mänskliga och samhälleliga arbetet omvandlats till en skapelse i vilken en grupp människor före­nats i en stor ansträngning för att genom sina samlade kun­skaper och med varandra som sporre åstadkomma en produk­tivitetsnivå vilken går långt utöver vad varje gruppmedlems enskilda insats i sig betingar.

Ett typiskt exempel på revolutionerande förändring utgör Sigmund Freud. Som operativ förvaltare av den romantiska litterära tradi­tionen mottar han som författare Goethepriset. I egenskap av förändringsagent inom psykologin revolutione­rar han sin epoks moral och skakar om den vik­torianska eti­kens grundvalar. Han ger upphov till ett nytt sätt att förstå människan, vilken härigenom omfattas historiskt i hela sitt djup. Freuds inflytande kan spåras inom alla kunskapens och konstens områden. Parallellt och påver­kade av honom utveck­las litterära strömningar som fullständigt förändrar dialogen med det estetiska objektet. Sålunda växer i Zürich dadaismen fram genom en psykoanalytisk maieutik (maieutik=en mästa­res förmåga att hos sin lärjunge belysa dennes ännu ej formu­lerade uppfattningar /övers anm.). Som ett litet barn, vilket till en början endast kan säga "Da-Da", växer den undan för undan och med vissa namn­förändringar fram tills att den kulmine­rar i surrealismen som ideologisk strömning - om den nu kan be­nämnas så - vilken slutgiltigt kommer att sätta det psykoanaly­tiska inflytandets stämpel på det konstnärliga ve­tandets område. Genom att integreras med denna moderna attityd får dagens värld också ett nytt utseende.

Freud framkallar en total förändring i bilden av människan. Han lyfter fram de dolda och förflutna element, som fungerar beting­ande på beteen­det, och gör dessa begripliga genom att avslöja den mänskliga naturens underjordiska aspekter. Lik­som den stora freudianska skapelsen domi­neras även surrea­lismen av drömele­menten, vilka utgör symboliska ut­tryck för människans fantasi och för poetiskt skapande.

Varje skapande genis verk - i egenskap av förändringsagent - möts av motstånd och upplevs som revolutionärt. Därför bru­kar inte heller konst­verket genast bli förstått och accepterat i och med att det visar fram den verkliga bilden av människan samtidigt som det förstör den dittillsvarande förvrängda - och efter formella normer anpassade - bild som hon haft av sig själv och sin värld.

(1965)

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Presentation to the chair of psychiatry at the Faculty of Medicine, National University of La Plata.

PRESENTATION TO THE CHAIR OF PSYCHIATRY AT THE FACULTY OF MEDICINE, NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF LA PLATA

Responding to item i) of the list of requirements for the application, which states: "Outline regarding how, in case of selection, the applicant will conduct their chair. This presentation is entirely voluntary."

The teaching of psychiatry, as a particular situation, needs to be regarded as an object of study in itself. As it is generally carried out in our country it proves to be of little use both for medical students and for postgraduates.

The psychiatrist today, whether they like it or not, operates in a broad social context where interpersonal relationships and group dynamics are the primary focus of their work.

This is not a systematic plan; I merely intend to outline some possible, or rather necessary, lines of work.

1. It is essential that students are exposed to the emotional and social problems of the sick individual - considered as a whole - as early as possible. The best opportunity for this arises when they have "live" contact with the patient during the learning of semiological techniques in a General Hospital. I say "live" contact because the first contact students have in their studies is a "dead" one, with the object of their future profession. This link with the cadaver, which is unique in the early stages of medical training, leaves remnants that shape certain future attitudes.

2. This training could last for three years, during which students would receive knowledge in dynamic psychology, psychopathology, social psychology, anthropology etc as well as the learning of psychological and social techniques, which should run parallel to those that focus on the body as the field of work. This knowledge could be integrated in the final year through psychiatric clinical practice, alongside the study of individual and collective psychotherapy. A new way of viewing the patient, the doctor, and their interrelation should emerge from the Institute of Psychiatry.

3. Patients (the object of study) should come from various classes, groups, areas or zones. For example, psychiatric patients can come from a Psychiatric Hospital (inpatient), a General Hospital (inpatient), or outpatient clinics, both from Psychiatric Hospitals and General Hospitals. The area corresponding to the Psychiatric Hospital, which is the primary source of educational material, is the least expansive and has the fewest social applications; however, almost all mental pathology has been constructed based on this material, and it is the one typically taught.

4. A Psychiatry Institute must take special care in the training of postgraduates. These active professional groups can contribute significantly to the creation of a psychiatric awareness. Two types of training could be offered: a) for those who wish to specialize in psychiatry, and b) for those who wish to deepen their psychiatric understanding of their patients in general clinical practice or other specialties. It is also important to train auxiliary psychiatric staff with knowledge of dynamic psychiatry, particularly in areas such as child psychiatry and industrial psychiatry.

5. A Psychiatry Institute should contribute to public education. For this purpose, it must first conduct research on public opinion (prejudices), social attitudes, etc. These are key situations that need to be clarified and managed by a Social and Preventive Psychiatry. The medical student must become familiar with social research techniques, such as surveys, interviews, group observations, statistical methods, etc.

6. Every University Center should have a Mental Health Service for students as an annex to the Psychiatry Institute, as is common in some American institutes. The learning of psychiatry is often disrupted by the emergence of anxiety situations involved in the patient-doctor interpersonal relationship. Collective therapies can be of great help in this context.

7. Research closely tied to practice (and this to learning) depends on the type of psychiatrist's training. This is our main focus because no "psychiatric issue" is unrelated to the psychiatrist's training and ideology.

In summary, we must break the narrow confines in which academic psychiatry operates. By expanding its operational field, psychiatry will take its rightful place in the university education of today’s medical professionals.

Enrique Pichon-Rivière and Ana P. de Quiroga: Football and Politics.

The World Cup, like any collective phenomenon that mobilizes public opinion and mass reactions, has both a manifest and a latent content, susceptible to interpretation.

The symbolism carried by the Jules Rimet Cup created particular expectations in two European nations: Germany and England, historically linked by a complex relationship; and in three Latin American countries: Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina, all undergoing similar processes of social change, grappling with disintegration, uncertain due to the breakdown of links between people and institutions, and the confusion of roles between individuals and structures.

For Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina, marked by underdevelopment, intervening in the tournament meant competing with other cultures, emerging from infancy. Winning meant integrating into the block of developed countries, gaining power and prestige through leadership.

The sense of belonging to the nation had been fractured by disintegration, shifting then to the club and national team, which was magically considered the solution to the hoped-for resolution. The political ideal, often frustrated, turned towards sports. The rupture of a total image of the country, coupled with the urgent need for firmer, closer belonging, triggered this shift.

The Europeans, particularly the Anglo-Saxons, driven by their own loss of power, acted with a colonialist mindset, where conspiracy and arbitrariness were the usual tactics. On our part, driven by resentment over our chronic dependency on the dollar and the pound, we entered the game: discovering too late that their strategy had outsmarted us, and being unable to anticipate it, triggered violent popular reactions in the face of the failure of the "viveza criolla" (sharpness, cleverness).

English imperialism was always felt by South Americans as the harshest system of domination. The insecurity brought by such frustrations causes collective attitudes and movements of opinion that stir up old resentments, like a family argument reigniting past grievances. The uncertainty paradoxically increases the aspiration rate and decreases resistance to frustration. Thus, although at first, based on objective facts, we believed in the possibility of winning a match, later we couldn’t bear being eliminated from the tournament.

Basic fears were then mobilized, fueled by the idea that a conspiracy had been plotted against us. On the political front, these three American countries experienced the decay of liberal regimes, which heightened ethnocentrism and nationalism, represented by groups and elites of an authoritarian nature, who were associated with strength and security.

The national team, initially fragmented and ineffective as a reflection of the social, economic, and political events of its departure, suddenly transformed, thanks to an organizing leader, into a coherent and effective group. The Argentinians thus felt their internal image of the country changing, and new expectations were born.

With frustration came acute conflict and a climate of tension. Defense mechanisms were set into motion, such as denial (claiming to be the moral victors of the tournament) and rationalization.

Summarizing the collective behavior surrounding the World Cup, from the spectator's perspective, we can highlight a first event that was perfectly captured and disseminated by 108 media outlets in a way rarely seen, pointing out the discredit and inability of the team. This first period, now considering the team itself and its performance prior to the tournament, did nothing more than confirm the previous prediction, a prediction that, through the language used and the dissemination given, undoubtedly reached the targeted audience and also reinforced the hostility of the European press, helping to create the image of a disintegrated and impotent team.

In the second period, the World Cup itself, the "miracle" happened. The scene was set by the new Government. This image was then adopted by the team members, who integrated, overcame individualism, and transformed from a conglomerate into an operational group, where role confusion ceased to exist. Then emerged a goal, the possibility of winning, which was experienced as though we had already won the Cup. This "as if" became more manifest in last week’s reception… At that moment, a new act of magic appeared for the newcomers: a new President arrived, awakening old images, and entered the game.

Psychology of Everyday Life, 1966-1967

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: The Ball.

Up until now, everything that has been said about football still leaves one fundamental piece to be clarified: the object of the dispute—the ball.

The meaning and function of the ball within the structural context of the spectacle can be approached from an anthropological, psychosocial, and sociological perspective. These disciplines must rely on a careful analysis of the relationship between the subject and the ball. The ball takes on a fascinating quality, linked to the perfection of its trajectory and the uncertainty introduced by its descent, contrasting with the euphoria produced by its rise.

Ultimately, our games are remnants of a non-playful existence, that is, of a past phase of culture where play did not yet exist as such. Within games, ancient fantasies—more or less latent—manifest themselves, which is why they serve as a form of release. Football, due to its particular structure and primitive characteristics, fully fulfills this function.

This sport is also a ritual that brings together spectators and teams in a ceremony that holds elements of magic and catharsis.

Only in recent years has football begun to be understood in terms of its internal structure and philosophical dimension. Researchers who have studied this subject—including myself—have approached it from different perspectives, ultimately forming a general theory that we could call psychoanalytic and structuralist.

These studies place great importance on the ball.

Thus, the focus of research shifted—from the public to the player, and from the player to the disputed object. The goalposts create the frame within which the action is decided, and it is the goalkeeper who must move with the precision, speed, and grace of a principal dancer. Yet, he is also the most vulnerable figure, subject to the pressure of certain fans who push him into a state of uncertainty where he abandons all strategy, gradually losing control over space and time.

In our country, this destructive tactic is particularly prevalent, often reducing goalkeepers to a state of deep insecurity.

From another perspective, it is essential to explore the fascination that the ball exerts over people of all ages, especially those who have played football and feel an irresistible compulsion to intervene in unexpected situations.

A simple example illustrates this: an older person walking along the street sees a ball roll toward them, kicked by children playing nearby. Almost instinctively, they feel the urge to return it. In doing so, they experience a sense of having accomplished something useful, perhaps even reviving an old, faded feeling of belonging to a club from their youth. Rarely does one react with annoyance to the intrusion of this anonymous ball. Instead, if their pass is well-placed, they anticipate approval from their immediate audience—a recognition that fills them with pleasure. In that moment, coupled with the release felt in striking the ball, they undergo a temporary transformation in their self-image—a fleeting sensation of agility that stirs up fantasies of returning to their old sporting days.

On the field of play, the ball defines the space in which the action unfolds. It positions the players, gathers and disperses them. It is the central object of strategy, with the ultimate goal of placing it inside the opponent’s net. The ball becomes something both desired and feared, a privilege to possess and an unforgivable failure to lose.

If football is a form of communication, then the ball is the message.

It is also the leader—the force that mobilizes twenty-two players across the field and captures the attention and emotions of thousands of spectators for more than an hour.

The ball’s leadership is no coincidence. Its spherical shape connects it to one of humanity’s most ancient symbols, referenced by philosophers like Parmenides and poets like Rilke. The sphere represents perfection, the consciousness of unity and totality, an image of the infinite.

Since the most ancient times, humans have played with spherical objects, engaging in brutal, primitive games, as if trying to familiarize themselves with this almost sacred object—a mysterious synthesis of war and celebration.

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Institutional problem.

—Doctor Pichon Rivière, I understand that today we are facing an institutional problem.

—I believe so too.

—And I have the impression that we are holding the final end of a burning thread. We should objectively search for the other end...

—Let’s begin by saying that this end of the thread represents the current situation. The journey between this point and the starting one is what we will call history. If we take a segment of that trajectory, encompassing a critical moment in the present, we can investigate specific emerging factors that have erupted and, in turn, triggered new elements of this situation—one that everyone laments and whose epicenter was in Sweden (World Championships in Sweden 1958/traductors note). These elements have not only hindered the development of national football but, through an accumulation of tensions and the consequent wear and tear, have led it into a state of decline.

—Public opinion starts from a basic premise: the exodus of players, first to Colombia and then to Europe.

—Of course, one cannot deny that this led to the dismantling of a group of players who operated here with a certain harmony and cohesion. Furthermore, the departure—or "escape"—of members of the footballing family to various parts of the world was masked behind apparent economic conflicts. In reality, this was merely a disguise. It is true that tempting offers served as a springboard, but we can assume that there was a deeper set of unresolved conflicts that gradually pushed football into a downward curve.

—I see that the issue branches out: at this moment, we must also consider everything related to the actions of national teams and coaches.

—That is one aspect of the problem. The existence of autocratic leaders in the technical management of our football, the subjugation of all coaches to a single leader, and the transplantation of foreign systems that do not align with the idiosyncrasy of our style of play—already a victim of rigid and stereotyped approaches—have all hindered the evolution that everyone desires.

—Additionally, Doctor Pichon Rivière, there are several influential factors, such as the diversity of interests at play, which are entirely unrelated to the sport itself. In many cases, club officials have become elements of discord.

—Absolutely. This is why it is necessary to analyze the situation in its entirety.

—Does that mean an institutional analysis is required?

—Without a doubt.

—From your perspective, how would you structure it?

—I would begin with a dynamic social study, as understanding the group is of fundamental importance. The basic unit of social life is not the isolated individual but the contact group, the direct interactions between individuals and their groups.

—Our sport, in general, does not have an overly complex organizational structure. However, it does have an intricate web of overlapping spheres, which makes the situation confusing.

—What I mentioned earlier leads us to consider a large formal structure, composed at each level by a network of small contact groups, both direct and indirect, whose relationships play a crucial role in the institution’s dynamics.

—Could these levels be concretely defined?

—Yes. In order to analyze an institution—something that is necessary in the case of football—we must consider four different levels, each requiring specific criteria and techniques:

a) Psycho-social analysis (the individual and their environment).

b) Social dynamic analysis (the group and its environment).

c) Institutional analysis, which includes: 1) Its formal structure; 2) Its dynamic structure; 3) Its functions within administrative and national contexts.

d) Institution and the individual (establishing what the institution represents for the individual).

—What would be the benefits of such an analysis?

—First, it would reveal the effectiveness of the administrative and managerial apparatus, meaning the activities of the members and leaders within it. Then, it would examine the relationships established between these entities and the masses (members and the public they serve). In short, institutional research and analysis can identify the causes of dysfunction and propose ways to prevent stagnation, outdated practices, resistance to responsibilities, delays, ambiguity, poor communication, contradictory orders, and so on. Consequently, this would also prevent an insecure, individualistic style of football, irregular performance, and the degradation of the "profession."

—Regarding this last point, there is no doubt that players suffer the consequences of all the irregularities within the leadership sphere.

—Exactly. The environment has a profound impact on the player, fundamentally stripping them of the joy of playing and the desire to improve. A lack of identification with the institution, or even hostility towards it—whether conscious or unconscious—makes the player feel trapped, torn between fulfilling their commitments on one hand and "sabotaging" the institution on the other. These processes are not entirely conscious, but they often manifest through erratic behavior that affects the player's athletic performance. Added to this is the isolation they experience and an unconscious sense of guilt, which often expresses itself as self-reproach.

—This creates a vicious cycle in which the player moves without fully understanding what is happening. A common response from them might be: "I don’t know what’s wrong with me.""I feel stuck." "The fans bother me." "I have no enthusiasm." etc.

—So, have you found the formula for creating the favorable environment that seems to be missing?

—I believe this is the only approach available to us. This would be the path toward creating the necessary conditions for fostering such an environment—whether within the clubs themselves or in the relations between the football association and its various audiences. This ultimately means addressing and investigating the problem of human and public relations, both internal and external, within each club and the association as a whole.

Football, needless to say, is not only significant because of the hundreds of thousands of players involved but also because of the much larger number of spectators and fans concentrated around it. We will continue to delve into football in future discussions. But before concluding, I should mention that as early as 1903, an article titled "The Psychology of Football" was published in the United States—precisely in response to a question that remains unanswered today: Why is football the sport that attracts the largest number of spectators, and why are the conflicts surrounding it so numerous and varied?

Enrique Pichon Rivière
(From "Psychology of Everyday Life", 1966/67)