Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Presentation to the chair of psychiatry at the Faculty of Medicine, National University of La Plata.

PRESENTATION TO THE CHAIR OF PSYCHIATRY AT THE FACULTY OF MEDICINE, NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF LA PLATA

Responding to item i) of the list of requirements for the application, which states: "Outline regarding how, in case of selection, the applicant will conduct their chair. This presentation is entirely voluntary."

The teaching of psychiatry, as a particular situation, needs to be regarded as an object of study in itself. As it is generally carried out in our country it proves to be of little use both for medical students and for postgraduates.

The psychiatrist today, whether they like it or not, operates in a broad social context where interpersonal relationships and group dynamics are the primary focus of their work.

This is not a systematic plan; I merely intend to outline some possible, or rather necessary, lines of work.

1. It is essential that students are exposed to the emotional and social problems of the sick individual - considered as a whole - as early as possible. The best opportunity for this arises when they have "live" contact with the patient during the learning of semiological techniques in a General Hospital. I say "live" contact because the first contact students have in their studies is a "dead" one, with the object of their future profession. This link with the cadaver, which is unique in the early stages of medical training, leaves remnants that shape certain future attitudes.

2. This training could last for three years, during which students would receive knowledge in dynamic psychology, psychopathology, social psychology, anthropology etc as well as the learning of psychological and social techniques, which should run parallel to those that focus on the body as the field of work. This knowledge could be integrated in the final year through psychiatric clinical practice, alongside the study of individual and collective psychotherapy. A new way of viewing the patient, the doctor, and their interrelation should emerge from the Institute of Psychiatry.

3. Patients (the object of study) should come from various classes, groups, areas or zones. For example, psychiatric patients can come from a Psychiatric Hospital (inpatient), a General Hospital (inpatient), or outpatient clinics, both from Psychiatric Hospitals and General Hospitals. The area corresponding to the Psychiatric Hospital, which is the primary source of educational material, is the least expansive and has the fewest social applications; however, almost all mental pathology has been constructed based on this material, and it is the one typically taught.

4. A Psychiatry Institute must take special care in the training of postgraduates. These active professional groups can contribute significantly to the creation of a psychiatric awareness. Two types of training could be offered: a) for those who wish to specialize in psychiatry, and b) for those who wish to deepen their psychiatric understanding of their patients in general clinical practice or other specialties. It is also important to train auxiliary psychiatric staff with knowledge of dynamic psychiatry, particularly in areas such as child psychiatry and industrial psychiatry.

5. A Psychiatry Institute should contribute to public education. For this purpose, it must first conduct research on public opinion (prejudices), social attitudes, etc. These are key situations that need to be clarified and managed by a Social and Preventive Psychiatry. The medical student must become familiar with social research techniques, such as surveys, interviews, group observations, statistical methods, etc.

6. Every University Center should have a Mental Health Service for students as an annex to the Psychiatry Institute, as is common in some American institutes. The learning of psychiatry is often disrupted by the emergence of anxiety situations involved in the patient-doctor interpersonal relationship. Collective therapies can be of great help in this context.

7. Research closely tied to practice (and this to learning) depends on the type of psychiatrist's training. This is our main focus because no "psychiatric issue" is unrelated to the psychiatrist's training and ideology.

In summary, we must break the narrow confines in which academic psychiatry operates. By expanding its operational field, psychiatry will take its rightful place in the university education of today’s medical professionals.

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Corporal Schema.

Notes by Dr. Fernando Taragno

In Schilder's definition, Pichon-Riviére introduces a new dimension, the time factor: "The body schema is the four-dimensional image that each one of us has of ourselves." He conceives it as a social structure, configuring notions of space and time that govern many aspects of our relationships with others.

He considers the divisions established between mind, body, and the external world as formal separations, as phenomenological areas or dimensions of the self or person. He describes three areas: Area 1 (the mind), Area 2 (the body), and Area 3 (the external world). This division is purely formal, as everything that happens in the mind, body, or world is related to common basic situations across all of them. In other words, both neurotic and psychotic structures can be expressed in the mind, body, or external world. Nothing that happens in a specific area is not experienced by the entirety of the person. This three-dimensional schema is a phenomenological designation, a way to place different categories of good and bad objects in various areas.

He attempts to conceive this schema as a unity in constant function, where the totality is included, expressed through an outward behavior that is visible and called objective behavior, and through an internal behavior, the emotional life through the body, in a constant relationship with the object. Of the three areas, Area 2 (the body) is the most "scotomized" for the self, where the objects projected there are less recognized, as well as the connection and unconscious fantasy accompanying it.

This mind-body division, which has emerged as a result of one of the most primitive defense mechanisms (Scott), serves to separate the mind from the body, creating two "bags," if you will, to place the first introjected objects, both good and bad, so that they don’t mix and contaminate.

The child conceives his body and mind as a unit. In the progressive postnatal integration of his body schema, Pichon-Riviére introduces a new concept: these integrations occur around a prenatal axis that he calls the proto-body schema, which is made up of interoceptive, proprioceptive, etc., stimuli originating during fetal life. In progressive structuring, the body schema in a child develops particular characteristics based on oral, anal, or genital primacies. The interplay of projections occurs through these openings and primarily concerning problems of distance. For example, in hallucinations, we can see a pathology of space related to the body schema.

According to his theory of the unitary conception of neuroses, psychoses, characteropathies, and psychosomatic diseases, he establishes that the main difference between them lies in the area of expression of conflicts, whether in the mind, in the mental representation of the body, or in the mental representation of the external world. Always keeping in mind that the totality of the person is engaged, though one structure predominates.

The bond with the object is not only established with the psyche but also expressed through the body. Thought is manifested through the mind, but the entire organism is involved in the situation.

The basic psychotic anxieties underlying the different neurotic, psychotic, characteropathic, perverse, and psychosomatic structures are the same in all of them. They are depressive and paranoid anxieties, which shape the depressive and schizoparanoid positions. In the first position, the relationship is with a total object, both good and bad at the same time, before which the person experiences the feeling of ambivalence. In the schizoparanoid position, the objects are partial, divided into good and bad, creating what Pichon-Riviére has called "divalence," meaning the simultaneity of opposing partial feelings.

According to the technique used for controlling and managing these internalized partial objects, different nosographic pictures will be configured. It can be said that the basis of all mental pathology lies in the schizoparanoid position. When the partial bad or persecutor object is projected in Area 2 (the body), we have hypochondria. The persecution is experienced in the body. This is where the self feels the threat, the danger of death. It is posed as an alienation localized within the body schema. Madness is confined to the body or part of it; it has a particular meaning; the symptom appears in a specific situation, with a particular connection and an unconscious fantasy. This notion of the relationship with a persecuting object within the mental representation of the body is fundamental. The hypochondriac becomes megalomaniac by identifying with the internalized good partial object within his mind, feeling omnipotent when he manages to control his persecutors internalized in his body, control which he establishes through his mind. It can be said that he is a patient who specializes in controlling his persecutors by putting them inside his body.

In the internalization of this bad and persecuting object, a division and dispersion of the object throughout the body occur initially, resulting in generalized suffering. The fragmentation of the object is a mechanism aimed at making it easier to control the parts, it’s a "divide and conquer" approach, as M. Klein would say.

In the vast majority of cases, internalization occurs orally, within the digestive system, later spreading to other organs. As for the choice of organ within which the hypochondriacal situation is established, it falls on the one that, due to a previously learned "profession," has greater control within the limited space of the reference organ.

The hypochondriac often chooses a hypochondriacal woman who has failed to control her own persecutors. He projects his own sick organs, including the persecutors, onto her body. This externalization of his sick organs allows the hypochondriac to observe and control them from the outside. It’s what Pichon-Riviére calls externalized hypochondria. She, in turn, has chosen him because she feels he is capable of controlling her own persecutors, control in which she feels she has failed. Together, they form an inseparable pair.

In conversion hysteria, the basic situation is hypochondria. In pure hypochondria, which doesn’t actually exist, the inclusion of the bad object occurs without provoking any reaction from the organ in which it is included. When the organ reacts with its own functions, with the purpose of managing the persecuting object included within it, we find the phenomenon of conversion. For example, in hysterical paralysis, which is the prototype of neuroses that take part of the body schema and eliminate it from the rest, the self deposits the conflictual situation in a paralyzed limb, isolating it from the rest of the self through the mechanisms of division and repression.

Persecution in the body is not "psychologically" experienced because the body-mind division mechanism is permanently active. At the same time, a part of the body is isolated and its content repressed, giving rise to the feeling described by Charcot as "la belle indifférence."

The reason why conflicts are presented in the body dimension brings forth the issue of the choice of expression area, which would be related to the individual history, hereditary factors, and dispositional characteristics of each subject.

The hysterical symptom is situational because it includes a specific object relationship, which occurs in the body dimension, with that object being administered, controlled, expelled, etc., meaning it undergoes all the vicissitudes of objects, but within the mental representation of the body. In the body, defensive techniques are more limited, as they are confined to the specific functions of each organ.

The concept of conversion implicitly includes a dualism, i.e., the conversion of one system into another, or from something that belongs to it. This is why Pichon-Riviére thinks the word is beginning to be troublesome. Because if one considers that what happens in the body is relational, a specific way of approaching the object within a total situation with a particular fantasy, conversion disappears. This term complicates the total understanding of the phenomenon, the organic symptom. On the other hand, the concept of situational relationship, connection, or visceral behavior facilitates it.

Conversion hysteria can be divided into two groups, depending on the system that intervenes in the control of internalized persecutor objects. On one hand, we have true conversion hysteria, where control is carried out through the central nervous system, in the neuromuscular and sensory system, such as in paralysis, blindness, convulsions, etc. On the other hand, there are so-called psychosomatic diseases, where control is established through the autonomic or neurovegetative system, expressing itself in the visceral field. Psychosomatic disease must be understood, in relational terms, as the establishment of a particular bond with a given object, within the body schema, with the functions of the organ regressing to earlier stages, where certain types of bonds predominated. This regression in organ functions creates a mismatch in the total economy, leading to the disease (Pichon-Riviére). The regression is towards the dispositional point, which is the developmental moment when certain types of visceral behavior were organized, achieving at a given point the control of anxieties.

During the phenomenon of regression, this does not only occur in the sense that objects are deposited in the body, but the organ itself also undergoes regression regarding its functions. For example, the stomach of an ulcer patient is a stomach that has regressed to its infantile stage, as the rhythm of hunger and satisfaction is similar to that of that period. The painful hunger of the ulcer patient is equivalent to the painful hunger of the infant. Here, the regression of functions to a specific stage and particular connections can be seen, with the totality of the person returning to a type of behavior that was operative in defending against anxiety.

The illness would arise from the conflict between the regression of an organ to a more primitive function and the persistence of the rest of the body at a more adult level. This would explain the pathology specific to the organ and the influence of the organ on the total economy. According to Pichon-Riviére, the organ that becomes ill is not the weakest, as it has been considered so far, but rather the strongest, the most resistant. Because the chosen organ is the place where the ego is most entrenched, where there is the most communication between it and the functions of the organ in question. The choice is made for the organ that already knows the task. Thus, the ulcer patient has long been thinking and acting with their stomach, trying to control the pursuing objects that determine their paranoid anxieties.

From a dispositional perspective, the chosen organ is the one that, at a given moment, has tended to establish a defense from there.

In the phenomenon of conversion, the relationship with the internal object is not explicitly stated, but it is implied, although not visible. What is visible are the defensive mechanisms that cause all the symptoms of conversion, either through the central nervous system, the peripheral nervous system, or the neurovegetative system. These are different levels of expression of behaviors through the body.

The subject configures a psychosomatic illness at a given moment with the purpose of "escaping" from psychosis (Pichon-Riviére). From a social perspective, it has the great advantage that this illness does not appear in the category of alienation. The subject suffering from it is considered a body patient and not recognized as a mental patient.

We should consider it as a pattern of repetitive behavior expressed through the body. A pattern that includes both the organ and the object, its connection, and the unconscious fantasy in totality. There is always an alternation between a bodily expression and a mental expression, and quite frequently the succession of psychosomatic conditions with psychotic episodes.

It can be said that children who have been overprotected in a situation of illness in a particular organ tend to escape from the mental situation and develop a psychosomatic illness. Meanwhile, children who have suffered from a situation of bodily neglect tend to develop mental elaboration. Repeating a situation of bodily neglect is much more dangerous for them, so they try to elaborate the situation through the mind. Among these three nosographic pictures—hypochondria, conversion hysteria, and psychosomatic illness—only phenomenological differences exist, having instead a common dynamic unity.

The phantom limb highlights a serious disturbance of the bodily schema. It is of particular interest because it poses the problem of alienation in the body. It is characterized by the compensatory illusion of the amputation on an amputated limb. It occurs in an unconscious, conflicted, and situational context. It appears in some cases, and specifically in front of certain people, with specific unconscious content. The phantom, by occupying a spatial position, that empty space from the stump, raises the problem of externalization, in the same way as in visual or auditory hallucinations, for example. The essential mechanism is the division of the bodily schema, followed by repression. It appears mainly in narcissistic structures, where internal relationships in the bodily domain are fundamental. The illusion of the amputee is a mechanism for recovering the object through the phantom limb (Pichon-Riviére). Thus, we find: 1) a narcissistic structure; 2) the loss of the limb; 3) the depression following the loss of the object included in that part of the body, and 4) the recovery or establishment of the lost bond through a hallucinatory mechanism. The reintroduction of the object occurs through the stump, a displaced oral route. The phantom detaches itself from the rest of the body through the mechanism of division.

In any kind of hallucination—whether visual, auditory, etc.—the problem of externalization is posed. There is an alteration of the bodily schema in the sense that a part of oneself is placed outside, through the mechanism of division and projection. It is the situation of one divided into two, and one of those parts placed outside and later perceived as though it belongs to someone else. This occurs during waking in hallucinatory delusions, where, for example, the voice heard from outside is produced by the extension of the bodily schema, which has been divided and functions by creating a situation of two.

The "influence apparatus is, ultimately, a part of the body itself that has been placed outside through the projection mechanism. It then appears as the representation of the own penis or sexual organs projected into the outside world.

In depersonalization, the bodily schema is massively compromised. It can involve both the sphere of the mind and the body. The first symptom of a hypochondriacal delusion evolving into a Cotard delusion is the estrangement from the body. It appears before the specular vision as different. In Cotard syndrome, the first situation that occurs is the internalization of the persecutor in the body, configuring hypochondria. It then denies the incorporated object, including the organ where it has been included, expressing, for example, that they have no stomach, heart, etc. Finally, they rationalize the reason for not having that organ by constructing the delusion of denial.

Anosognosia is the failure to perceive a zone of the bodily schema, whether altered or not, functionally and organically, for example, in the case of hysterical paralysis, blindness, etc. Here we find the mechanism of denial through the bodily schema.

Negative external autoscopy is the failure to perceive one’s own specular image in the mirror, i.e., not perceiving the image reflected in the mirror. Positive autoscopy occurs when the subject sees their double outside, in any place, as if in front of the mirror.

In the phenomenon of levitation, sudden sensations of lightness occur, with alterations in body weight and consistency. It is the expression of a manic bond in the bodily area (Pichon-Riviére).

In epilepsy, sudden alterations of the bodily schema occur, with paroxysmal character being the most typical element. These disturbances are very frequent and should be systematically searched for.

During the application of biological treatments, very frequent and significant changes to the body schema occur. Upon awakening from an insulin coma, alterations can even reach experiences of metamorphosis (Pichon-Riviére). The same occurs with the administration of mescaline and LSD-25. Electroshock, electronarcosis, etc., also cause changes in the body image, as does prolonged sleep application.

Space is comprised of three areas: mind, body, and external world, functioning with a given time and situation, the dynamic origin of which is constituted by the bond, a functional structure that includes the subject, the object, and a two-way communication that can suffer disturbances specific to each neurosis, psychosis, characteropathy, perversion, and the so-called psychosomatic phenomena.

Summary:

Schilder defines the body image as "the three-dimensional mental representation that each of us has of ourselves." This image is constructed based on multiple sensations that dynamically integrate into a Gestalt of the body. It is a structure in constant disintegration and restructuring. Libido plays a fundamental role. He describes the space of the ego, the objective space, and the space of the id, where affections bring objects closer or push them away. There is also the body space and the external space.

Scott suggests that the mind-body division arises from an early defense mechanism aimed at resolving specific anxieties. The phenomenon of the bodily surface is fundamental for establishing the domain of the self and the non-self.

Pichon-Riviére describes three phenomenological areas of the self or person: mind, body, and the external world. The integration of the schema is based on a prenatal proto-body schema. According to his theory of the unitary conception of neuroses, psychoses, character disorders, and psychosomatic diseases, he establishes that the main difference between them is the area of conflict expression. When these conflicts are expressed in the body (Area 2), and depending on the technique used to control the internalized pursuing objects, we have hypochondria, conversion hysteria, and the so-called psychosomatic diseases. The control is established, respectively, through the mind, the central nervous system (expressed in the muscular and sensory territories), and the neurovegetative system (expressed in the visceral field). The organ that becomes ill is the strongest, not the site of least resistance.

The author proposes the designation of the self-schema as a conceptual, referential, and operational schema that includes the three dimensions: mind, body, and the external world, functioning with a given time and link that includes the subject, the object, and their communication.

Acta Neuropsiquiátrica Argentina, 1959.

Enrique Pichon-Rivière and Ana P. de Quiroga: Football and Politics.

The World Cup, like any collective phenomenon that mobilizes public opinion and mass reactions, has both a manifest and a latent content, susceptible to interpretation.

The symbolism carried by the Jules Rimet Cup created particular expectations in two European nations: Germany and England, historically linked by a complex relationship; and in three Latin American countries: Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina, all undergoing similar processes of social change, grappling with disintegration, uncertain due to the breakdown of links between people and institutions, and the confusion of roles between individuals and structures.

For Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina, marked by underdevelopment, intervening in the tournament meant competing with other cultures, emerging from infancy. Winning meant integrating into the block of developed countries, gaining power and prestige through leadership.

The sense of belonging to the nation had been fractured by disintegration, shifting then to the club and national team, which was magically considered the solution to the hoped-for resolution. The political ideal, often frustrated, turned towards sports. The rupture of a total image of the country, coupled with the urgent need for firmer, closer belonging, triggered this shift.

The Europeans, particularly the Anglo-Saxons, driven by their own loss of power, acted with a colonialist mindset, where conspiracy and arbitrariness were the usual tactics. On our part, driven by resentment over our chronic dependency on the dollar and the pound, we entered the game: discovering too late that their strategy had outsmarted us, and being unable to anticipate it, triggered violent popular reactions in the face of the failure of the "viveza criolla" (sharpness, cleverness).

English imperialism was always felt by South Americans as the harshest system of domination. The insecurity brought by such frustrations causes collective attitudes and movements of opinion that stir up old resentments, like a family argument reigniting past grievances. The uncertainty paradoxically increases the aspiration rate and decreases resistance to frustration. Thus, although at first, based on objective facts, we believed in the possibility of winning a match, later we couldn’t bear being eliminated from the tournament.

Basic fears were then mobilized, fueled by the idea that a conspiracy had been plotted against us. On the political front, these three American countries experienced the decay of liberal regimes, which heightened ethnocentrism and nationalism, represented by groups and elites of an authoritarian nature, who were associated with strength and security.

The national team, initially fragmented and ineffective as a reflection of the social, economic, and political events of its departure, suddenly transformed, thanks to an organizing leader, into a coherent and effective group. The Argentinians thus felt their internal image of the country changing, and new expectations were born.

With frustration came acute conflict and a climate of tension. Defense mechanisms were set into motion, such as denial (claiming to be the moral victors of the tournament) and rationalization.

Summarizing the collective behavior surrounding the World Cup, from the spectator's perspective, we can highlight a first event that was perfectly captured and disseminated by 108 media outlets in a way rarely seen, pointing out the discredit and inability of the team. This first period, now considering the team itself and its performance prior to the tournament, did nothing more than confirm the previous prediction, a prediction that, through the language used and the dissemination given, undoubtedly reached the targeted audience and also reinforced the hostility of the European press, helping to create the image of a disintegrated and impotent team.

In the second period, the World Cup itself, the "miracle" happened. The scene was set by the new Government. This image was then adopted by the team members, who integrated, overcame individualism, and transformed from a conglomerate into an operational group, where role confusion ceased to exist. Then emerged a goal, the possibility of winning, which was experienced as though we had already won the Cup. This "as if" became more manifest in last week’s reception… At that moment, a new act of magic appeared for the newcomers: a new President arrived, awakening old images, and entered the game.

Psychology of Everyday Life, 1966-1967

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: The Ball.

Up until now, everything that has been said about football still leaves one fundamental piece to be clarified: the object of the dispute—the ball.

The meaning and function of the ball within the structural context of the spectacle can be approached from an anthropological, psychosocial, and sociological perspective. These disciplines must rely on a careful analysis of the relationship between the subject and the ball. The ball takes on a fascinating quality, linked to the perfection of its trajectory and the uncertainty introduced by its descent, contrasting with the euphoria produced by its rise.

Ultimately, our games are remnants of a non-playful existence, that is, of a past phase of culture where play did not yet exist as such. Within games, ancient fantasies—more or less latent—manifest themselves, which is why they serve as a form of release. Football, due to its particular structure and primitive characteristics, fully fulfills this function.

This sport is also a ritual that brings together spectators and teams in a ceremony that holds elements of magic and catharsis.

Only in recent years has football begun to be understood in terms of its internal structure and philosophical dimension. Researchers who have studied this subject—including myself—have approached it from different perspectives, ultimately forming a general theory that we could call psychoanalytic and structuralist.

These studies place great importance on the ball.

Thus, the focus of research shifted—from the public to the player, and from the player to the disputed object. The goalposts create the frame within which the action is decided, and it is the goalkeeper who must move with the precision, speed, and grace of a principal dancer. Yet, he is also the most vulnerable figure, subject to the pressure of certain fans who push him into a state of uncertainty where he abandons all strategy, gradually losing control over space and time.

In our country, this destructive tactic is particularly prevalent, often reducing goalkeepers to a state of deep insecurity.

From another perspective, it is essential to explore the fascination that the ball exerts over people of all ages, especially those who have played football and feel an irresistible compulsion to intervene in unexpected situations.

A simple example illustrates this: an older person walking along the street sees a ball roll toward them, kicked by children playing nearby. Almost instinctively, they feel the urge to return it. In doing so, they experience a sense of having accomplished something useful, perhaps even reviving an old, faded feeling of belonging to a club from their youth. Rarely does one react with annoyance to the intrusion of this anonymous ball. Instead, if their pass is well-placed, they anticipate approval from their immediate audience—a recognition that fills them with pleasure. In that moment, coupled with the release felt in striking the ball, they undergo a temporary transformation in their self-image—a fleeting sensation of agility that stirs up fantasies of returning to their old sporting days.

On the field of play, the ball defines the space in which the action unfolds. It positions the players, gathers and disperses them. It is the central object of strategy, with the ultimate goal of placing it inside the opponent’s net. The ball becomes something both desired and feared, a privilege to possess and an unforgivable failure to lose.

If football is a form of communication, then the ball is the message.

It is also the leader—the force that mobilizes twenty-two players across the field and captures the attention and emotions of thousands of spectators for more than an hour.

The ball’s leadership is no coincidence. Its spherical shape connects it to one of humanity’s most ancient symbols, referenced by philosophers like Parmenides and poets like Rilke. The sphere represents perfection, the consciousness of unity and totality, an image of the infinite.

Since the most ancient times, humans have played with spherical objects, engaging in brutal, primitive games, as if trying to familiarize themselves with this almost sacred object—a mysterious synthesis of war and celebration.

Enrique Pichon-Rivière: Institutional problem.

—Doctor Pichon Rivière, I understand that today we are facing an institutional problem.

—I believe so too.

—And I have the impression that we are holding the final end of a burning thread. We should objectively search for the other end...

—Let’s begin by saying that this end of the thread represents the current situation. The journey between this point and the starting one is what we will call history. If we take a segment of that trajectory, encompassing a critical moment in the present, we can investigate specific emerging factors that have erupted and, in turn, triggered new elements of this situation—one that everyone laments and whose epicenter was in Sweden (World Championships in Sweden 1958/traductors note). These elements have not only hindered the development of national football but, through an accumulation of tensions and the consequent wear and tear, have led it into a state of decline.

—Public opinion starts from a basic premise: the exodus of players, first to Colombia and then to Europe.

—Of course, one cannot deny that this led to the dismantling of a group of players who operated here with a certain harmony and cohesion. Furthermore, the departure—or "escape"—of members of the footballing family to various parts of the world was masked behind apparent economic conflicts. In reality, this was merely a disguise. It is true that tempting offers served as a springboard, but we can assume that there was a deeper set of unresolved conflicts that gradually pushed football into a downward curve.

—I see that the issue branches out: at this moment, we must also consider everything related to the actions of national teams and coaches.

—That is one aspect of the problem. The existence of autocratic leaders in the technical management of our football, the subjugation of all coaches to a single leader, and the transplantation of foreign systems that do not align with the idiosyncrasy of our style of play—already a victim of rigid and stereotyped approaches—have all hindered the evolution that everyone desires.

—Additionally, Doctor Pichon Rivière, there are several influential factors, such as the diversity of interests at play, which are entirely unrelated to the sport itself. In many cases, club officials have become elements of discord.

—Absolutely. This is why it is necessary to analyze the situation in its entirety.

—Does that mean an institutional analysis is required?

—Without a doubt.

—From your perspective, how would you structure it?

—I would begin with a dynamic social study, as understanding the group is of fundamental importance. The basic unit of social life is not the isolated individual but the contact group, the direct interactions between individuals and their groups.

—Our sport, in general, does not have an overly complex organizational structure. However, it does have an intricate web of overlapping spheres, which makes the situation confusing.

—What I mentioned earlier leads us to consider a large formal structure, composed at each level by a network of small contact groups, both direct and indirect, whose relationships play a crucial role in the institution’s dynamics.

—Could these levels be concretely defined?

—Yes. In order to analyze an institution—something that is necessary in the case of football—we must consider four different levels, each requiring specific criteria and techniques:

a) Psycho-social analysis (the individual and their environment).

b) Social dynamic analysis (the group and its environment).

c) Institutional analysis, which includes: 1) Its formal structure; 2) Its dynamic structure; 3) Its functions within administrative and national contexts.

d) Institution and the individual (establishing what the institution represents for the individual).

—What would be the benefits of such an analysis?

—First, it would reveal the effectiveness of the administrative and managerial apparatus, meaning the activities of the members and leaders within it. Then, it would examine the relationships established between these entities and the masses (members and the public they serve). In short, institutional research and analysis can identify the causes of dysfunction and propose ways to prevent stagnation, outdated practices, resistance to responsibilities, delays, ambiguity, poor communication, contradictory orders, and so on. Consequently, this would also prevent an insecure, individualistic style of football, irregular performance, and the degradation of the "profession."

—Regarding this last point, there is no doubt that players suffer the consequences of all the irregularities within the leadership sphere.

—Exactly. The environment has a profound impact on the player, fundamentally stripping them of the joy of playing and the desire to improve. A lack of identification with the institution, or even hostility towards it—whether conscious or unconscious—makes the player feel trapped, torn between fulfilling their commitments on one hand and "sabotaging" the institution on the other. These processes are not entirely conscious, but they often manifest through erratic behavior that affects the player's athletic performance. Added to this is the isolation they experience and an unconscious sense of guilt, which often expresses itself as self-reproach.

—This creates a vicious cycle in which the player moves without fully understanding what is happening. A common response from them might be: "I don’t know what’s wrong with me.""I feel stuck." "The fans bother me." "I have no enthusiasm." etc.

—So, have you found the formula for creating the favorable environment that seems to be missing?

—I believe this is the only approach available to us. This would be the path toward creating the necessary conditions for fostering such an environment—whether within the clubs themselves or in the relations between the football association and its various audiences. This ultimately means addressing and investigating the problem of human and public relations, both internal and external, within each club and the association as a whole.

Football, needless to say, is not only significant because of the hundreds of thousands of players involved but also because of the much larger number of spectators and fans concentrated around it. We will continue to delve into football in future discussions. But before concluding, I should mention that as early as 1903, an article titled "The Psychology of Football" was published in the United States—precisely in response to a question that remains unanswered today: Why is football the sport that attracts the largest number of spectators, and why are the conflicts surrounding it so numerous and varied?

Enrique Pichon Rivière
(From "Psychology of Everyday Life", 1966/67)